When Charles William Eliot became Harvard University’s 22nd president in the late 19th century, he found a parochial college struggling to remain relevant. Yet through intentional international engagement – drawing on models from Europe, actively recruiting foreign students and faculty, and expanding graduate education – he kickstarted Harvard’s transformation into the global leader it is today.
Now?the generations of hard-won progress that Harvard and many other US universities subsequently made are under threat.
In an article in this publication in December, I anticipated that the Trump administration might undermine the ability of America’s universities to enrol international students. This is now happening. The government has , and even though the order has, for now, been stayed by the courts, it has opened a deeply misguided national conversation on whether international students take up seats that should go to American students instead.
And earlier this week the government further upped the ante by ordering US embassies and consulates around the world to “until further guidance is issued”. The memo, from secretary of state Marco Rubio, added that the State Department was preparing an “expansion of required social media screening and vetting” of student visa applications.
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Such moves strike at the very heart not only of American higher education but of its economy and global reputation. Recent data from Nafsa: the Association of International Educators drives this point home: international students contributed an astounding $43.8 billion (?32.5 billion) to the US economy during the 2023-2024 academic year and supported more than 378,000 American jobs.
The confrontational narrative that pits international students against domestic economic interests is, simply put, a myth. In small college towns, the former’s spending sustains local restaurants, housing markets and retail shops. In metropolitan areas, international students fill internships and research positions at hospitals, biotech firms and high-tech start-ups. Many go on to create jobs in the US, too, founding companies such as Google, Moderna and Tesla.
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International students are also essential contributors to a culture of intellectual pluralism and academic excellence. At research universities such as Harvard, they account for a significant proportion of graduate students in STEM disciplines; indeed, according to the National Science Foundation, nearly half of all US PhDs in engineering and mathematics are awarded to international students.
These scholars bring fresh perspectives, problem-solving approaches and connections to global networks – cross-pollinating ideas that yield scientific breakthroughs and drive American competitiveness on the world stage. Some go on to be research leaders within the US. Others return home and become academic, economic and diplomatic ambassadors, strengthening trade, diplomacy and mutual understanding between their countries and the US.
Their presence invigorates not only US laboratories but humanities and social sciences classrooms, challenging conventional wisdom and encouraging debate that transcends national or cultural silos. As a Professor at Harvard for more than 30 years, I have seen how international students transform our intellectual climate.
They contribute not only to learning outcomes but to tolerant, informed debate. They challenge the homogeneity of thought that can creep into even the best institutions and help cultivate future leaders equipped to navigate an increasingly interconnected, complex world.
They push both peers and professors to question assumptions, broaden world views and, ultimately, deliver a deeper, richer educational experience for everyone. American students learn best – and contribute most – when exposed to many perspectives and real cross-cultural challenges.
My classes in the Harvard Graduate School of Education, for instance, are enriched by the experiences from different countries that my international students bring to the classroom. I also collaborate with them in researching how to improve education. Three postgraduates are currently working with me on a study of how artificial intelligence is being used to improve education around the world, for instance. And this academic year, we published examining how education systems around the world are supporting the academic success of marginalised children.
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Moreover, over the past decade, my course on comparative education policy has each year led to the publication of a book in which my students present their research on solutions to education challenges around the globe – such as climate change, Covid-19, poverty and democratic decline. My American students, too, learn an enormous amount from the diverse experiences and perspectives to which this experience exposes them.?

So what explains recent efforts to stop Harvard – and, potentially, other leading universities – enrolling international students? The ban is not based in a genuine legal challenge, nor is it motivated by any credible threats to national security. Rather, it is an attempt to punish institutions seen as resistant to political control over curricula, admissions and faculty decisions.
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This is especially troubling because such politicisation betrays the fundamental autonomy upon which rests not only American academic excellence and scientific innovation, but also civil debate and, by extension, democracy itself.
What, then, should policymakers and university leaders do? First, they must recognise that threats to the openness of American higher education are not just fleeting political concerns but are existential risks to national prosperity and global influence. The data is clear: when international students leave, jobs suffer, innovation stagnates and the US’ reputation as a welcoming, world-class destination erodes.
Next, universities should redouble efforts to support international students – simplifying visa processes for them, offering robust orientation and integration services, and ensuring students and families abroad know they are valued.
Finally, American society must reject the false dichotomy between supporting American interests and welcoming international contributors. History shows us that these goals are deeply intertwined.
If we are to maintain our leading position in science, business and the arts, we must cherish our status as a magnet for talent the world over. To undermine this is to undermine America itself.
is Ford Foundation professor of the practice of international education at Harvard University, where he directs the Global Education Innovation Initiative. He serves on Harvard’s University Committee on International Projects and Sites, and on the boards of many international centres and institutes at the university.
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